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This paper examines the evolving dynamics between economic globalization and Asian regional interdependence, and asks whether and how the global financial crisis impacted Asian regionalism. The analysis suggests that the global crisis did trigger advances in regional policy cooperation from 2007 onwards, especially in the area of financial and monetary cooperation. Although the first order response of Asian countries was to join the broader global effort to contain financial freefall at the world level, there emerged a second order response at the level of regional institutional building, specifically to "multilateralize" the Chiang Mai Initiative, and to develop a regional trust fund to help strengthen Asian bond markets. This finding reconfirms the theoretical proposition in historical institutionalism that financial crises have a catalytic effect in stimulating regional innovation. At the same time, we see evolution in the pattern of Asian regionalism in two respects: first, the recent advances in Asian regionalism are being driven primarily, at this stage, by the rise of the PRC and India - although each in their own way, and to varying degrees. The current advance in regionalism also builds on momentum provided by pre-existing programs of regional financial cooperation, namely the Chiang Mai Initiative, and "regional connectivity" programs that have also been championed by Japan and ASEAN countries, such as the GMS, CAREC, and BIMSTEC initiatives. Second, Asian economies appear to be pursuing inclusive regionalism, which attempts to strike a balance between helping themselves and helping the global economy. Asia is striving for modes of regional cooperation that are, on balance, complementary with the current global macroeconomic rebalancing agenda of the G20, and supportive of global integration and openness. The main policy findings are that Asia's future standing in an increasingly multi-centered world economy will be determined by its effectiveness in advancing a multi-layered international cooperation agenda. Yet achieving such international gains will depend on Asia's willingness to make serious advances in regional collective action and global leadership, especially in areas of financial and monetary cooperation.

The article analyzes the Canadian foreign aid relationship with Asia; focusing primarily on the motivations and reasons why the government should rethink the utilization of scarce resources to promote wellbeing and strategic ties. The author then presents the argument, that despite the traditional leveraging of its foreign aid relations, Canada has been slow in responding to the dramatic changes and shifts in Asia and has not effectively recalibrated such programs. Utilizing the writing of Carol Lancaster, the author explains the instrument role of foreign aid and main purposes: diplomatic, developmental, humanitarian relief, commercial, and less prominently, cultural. The article then examines concerning reasons behind such utilization; explains the Asian aid policy in effect through the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and the International Development Research Center (IDRC); and discusses the policy shift, levels attained, projects, and the role and influence of multi and bilateral aid agencies in the region. Then the article addresses the diversions from this coherent strategy of the CIDA; exemplifies implementation and administering through humanitarian relief efforts in the Indian Ocean nations and Afghanistan; discusses the present state of bilateral and multilateral aid funding, and cites developmental interests in areas such as Indonesia, and Vietnam. The article also looks at bureaucratic organizational constraints and other problems factored in the aid process, discussing programming policy, programming, projects, and personnel hierarchy. Finally, the author opines on the future of aid and the uncertainty and purpose of the strategy behind implementing such programs. Adapted from the source document.

Analysts across the disciplines have started to address the development and agenda of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), however the collective understanding of major aspects of the AIIB's institutional evolution, and related multilateral cooperation and international contestation, remain fuzzy and fragmented. This Introductory article discusses how the AIIB has progressed so rapidly in three years, and provides an overview of the unique contributions of the 13 essays in this collection, and of the ways the essays complement one another. Focusing on the main trends and patterns in the AIIB's early development, four essays address major overarching themes that reflect the multilateral character of the Bank, and nine essays provide member‐country or regional perspectives on the new Bank, highlighting variations and complementarities in interests, ideas, and priorities among the broader membership of the Bank. The Introduction concludes with some implications for future research, and for AIIB policy and programming that can be drawn from the essays.

This article examines the behavioural patterns of successive Canadian governments in responding to three takeover attempts of iconic high-value Canadian corporates by large state companies from China. The first is China Minmetals Corporation's attempt to acquire Noranda in 2004–2005 during the Liberal government of Paul Martin, the second is China National Offshore Oil Corporation's acquisition of Nexen in 2012 during the Conservative government of Stephen Harper, and the third is China Communications Construction Corporation International's bid for Aecon Group in 2017–2018. This analysis highlights some important similarities in the behavioural response of the Canadian governments across the three cases: ambivalence and wariness. Policy lessons are addressed in the conclusion.